Demonocracy: The Great Human Scourge!

 

Review: Christophe Buffin de Chosal, The End of Democracy, Translated by Ryan P. Plummer.  Printed in the U.S.A.: Tumblar House, 2017.

 

Christophe Buffin de Chosal: The End of Democracy. Needless to say, Buffin de Chosal is quite a controversial political philosopher. While this is not the first book trying to demystify modern-day democracy, such critical assessments are rare. One of the best-known efforts is Hans-Hermann Hoppe’s Democracy, the God that Failed, which considers  democracy and other political dispensations primarily from the perspective of the time preferences of the ruling classes. [PT]

 

 

Introduction

One cannot speak too highly of Christophe Buffin de Chosal’s The End of Democracy.  In a fast paced, readable, yet scholarly fashion, Professor Buffin de Chosal* demolishes the ideological justification on which modern democracy rests while he describes the disastrous effects that democratic rule has had on Western societies.  He explodes the myth of Democracy as a protector of individual liberty, a prerequisite for economic progress, and a promoter of the higher arts.

Once Democracy is seen in this light, a far more accurate interpretation of modern history can be undertaken.  The book is a very suitable companion to Hans-Hermann Hoppe’s iconoclastic take-down of democracy in Democracy: The God That Failed, released at the beginning of this century.  Buffin de Chosal has spoken of a follow up which will be eagerly awaited.

 

Christophe Buffin de Chosal in front of some nice wooden paneling. For more information on the good man, check out his Facebook page. [PT]

 

Democratic Governance

The idea of rule by the people is a scam, one perpetuated by those who are actually in control of the government.  Through the “democratic process” of voting and elections, a small, determined minority can impose its will despite majority opposition:

 

We often hear it said that ‘in a democracy, it is the people who rule…’  Rule by the people is a myth which loses all substance once confronted with the real practice in democracy. [13]

 

Quoting from a Russian philosopher, Buffin de Chosal continues his criticism:

 

The best definition [of democracy] was given by the Russian philosopher Vasily Rozanov.  ‘Democracy is the system by which an organized minority governs an unorganized majority.’  This ‘unorganized majority’ is the people, aggregated and individualistic, incapable of reaction because disjointed. [28]

 

He expands upon Rozanov’s theme:

 

…[C]ontrary to what [democracy’s] principles proclaim: one can say that the majority almost never wins.  Democracy is not the system of the majority, but that of the most powerful minority, and it has this power not simply due to its numbers, but also and above all due to its organization. [31]

 

Power does not reside in “the people” and certainly not in the individual.  In a democracy, the only way to express one’s preference or to protect one’s rights is through the ballot box every so often. As Buffin de Chosal writes:

 

Each voter in a democracy is the depositary of a tiny particle of sovereignty, in itself unusable. His sole power consists in dropping a ballot into a box, whereby he is immediately dispossessed of his particle of sovereignty at the profit of those who are going to represent him.” [Ibid.]

 

The actual function of the “people” according to Buffin de Chosal. Deliberations along similar lines can be found in Rothbard’s Anatomy of the State (e.g. in the discussion of the function of constitutional courts, whose rulings, rather than upholding constitutional guarantees, are often legitimizing government efforts to gradually erode them. As Rothbard points out, it is absurd to expect the State to police itself). [PT]

 

Popular democracy has always been condemned and feared by most thinkers since the beginning of human societies. It was not until intellectuals saw democracy as a way they could attain power that they began to advocate it as a system of social order.

Prior to the democratic age, most of the learned understood that democracy would result in mob rule and the displacement of natural authority with demagogues.  In short, the worst would rise to the top as the author describes the characteristics of a contemporary politician:

 

The ideal politician, on the other hand, is pliable, convincing, and a liar by instinct.  He is not attached to any platform and has no ideological objective.  The single thing to which he is truly committed is power.  He wants its prestige and advantages, and seeks above all to be personally enriched by it. Any politician who presents this aspect is recognized as fit for power in a democracy…   It is therefore not surprising that democratically elected assemblies are almost exclusively comprised of these kinds of men and women.  Elected heads of state almost always fit this profile, and international institutions, such as the European Union, consider it the only acceptable profile…  [35]

 

Democracy and the State

Since the advent of modern democracy, the main beneficiary of its rule has been the State and the politically-connected financial elites who are the true rulers of societies.  Instead of putting an end to the supposedly despotic rule of the Ancien Régime which Democracy’s proponents claim to have existed throughout the monarchical and aristocratic age, governance by the people has witnessed an increase in state power and control over individual lives to a level unprecedented in human history. No pope, emperor, king, prince, or duke has ever possessed such suzerainty.

In contrast to what has been taught in classrooms, on university campuses, and espoused throughout the media, individual rights and freedoms were far better guarded in the age prior to Democracy’s ascendancy.  Pre-revolutionary Europe had social structures which insulated individuals from State power far more effectively than under modern democracy:

 

The concept of an organic society was abolished at the time of the French Revolution.  The corps and orders were suppressed, the privileges were abolished, and everything which allowed the people to protect themselves from the power of the state was banished in the name of liberty.  [24]

 

And in return for giving up the order that protected them from state depredations, the people received “sovereignty:”

 

They were given the false promise that they would no longer need to defend themselves from the state since they themselves were the state.  But if a people organized into corps and orders are incapable of exercising sovereignty, how much more so a people comprising a formless mass of individuals!  [Ibid.] 

 

Historically, all of the democratic movements which supposedly stemmed from the people were, in fact, a falsehood, perpetuated largely by revolutionaries who sought to replace the established order with themselves.  While legislatures, congresses, and democratic bodies of all sorts have been interpreted as the fruition of the masses’ desire for representation, the reality was quite different:

 

Democracy is not, in its origin, a system of the people.  In England with the advent of the parliamentary system just as in France during the Revolution, it was not the people who were seen at work.  Even the Russian Revolution was not a phenomenon of the people.  To regard the people or what the communist elegantly call the ‘masses’ as the agent of change or political upheaval is purely a theoretical view, a historical myth, of which one sees no trace in reality.  The ‘people’ were the pretext, the dupes, and almost always the victims of the revolutions, not the engines.  [13]

 

Not only was propagation of the myth of popular support for democratic ideals propounded for the survival of the new social order, but putting these tenets into practice was accomplished, in large part, by the role of the “intellectual” an often neglected feature of standard historical analysis and the reason behind much social transformation:

 

The ‘nation’ met the desires of the philosophers who wanted to transfer power from the monarch to an enlightened, philosophical, and philanthropic class who, moreover, ought to be financially comfortable.  The educated bourgeoisie of the time were the protagonists of this idea, and a portion of the nobility formed their audience.  [13-14]

 

The intellectuals promoted Democracy because it would open up considerable opportunities for them for position and income in the nation state.  It must be remembered that it was the intellectuals who justified the idea of Absolutism.  Later, the intellectuals turned on monarchies and sided with the emerging republican classes, rightly believing that democratic governance would give them greater opportunities for power in emerging nation states.

 

Democracy and Modern History

While most historians see the advancement of democracy and the development of legislative bodies over the course of the last centuries as an advancement in the human condition and one that has emanated from the people’s desire for greater political representation, Buffin de Chosal presents a far different and more accurate interpretation.  “Democracy,” he asserts, “is not, in its origin a system of the people.” [13] All the social movements which eventually led to the destruction of Christendom did not come from the people seeking a greater “voice” in their governance.

The ‘people,’” he argues, “were the pretext, the dupes, and almost always the victims of the revolutions, not the engines.” [Ibid.]  Liberty, Equality and Fraternity was not a popular cry, but one coined and used by the “enlightened” classes to mobilize and justify their overthrow of the French monarchy and with it the destruction of the Church.

 

The French Revolution was built on the idea of the ‘nation,’ which claimed to bring together the intellectual, social, and financial elite of the country.  It was on this foundation that democracy was established and that it functioned during almost all of the nineteenth century.  [Ibid.]

 

A similar historical narrative can be seen in England. The rise and eventual triumph of representative democracy in England was not one that percolated from the masses itching for more freedom.  “The appearance of the parliamentary system in England,” Buffin de Chosal contends, “was tied to the great movement of Church property confiscation begun under Henry VIII and continuing until the coming of the Stuarts.” [14]

 

After Henry gorged himself on the Church’s wealth, he sought to bribe as many members of the nobility as possible with his ill-gotten gains to ensure his power.

 

King Henry VIII, who apparently liked to wear camouflage outfits that made it difficult to spot him in front of the palace tapestry. Henry was quite a piece of work: within two days of his coronation, he had two of his father’s ministers arrested and put to death – a fate that would befall many of his enemies. After initially allying with pope Julius II and his successor pope Leo X, Henry later broke with the papacy in Rome when pope Clement VII refused to grant his wish of annulling his marriage to Catherine of Aragon to enable him to marry Anne Boleyn in her stead. Clement eventually excommunicated Henry, who retaliated by establishing the Anglican Church, with himself as its head. [PT]

 

An envious Parliament, however, wanted its cut of the loot which led to the great internecine struggle between Crown and Parliament which eventually ended in the suzerainty of the latter with the Glorious Revolution of 1688.  The real power from then on rested with an oligarchical legislative branch:

 

The families who had thus helped themselves to the Church’s goods, morally justified by Protestant ethics, formed the gentry, the class of landowners who sat in Parliament.  Parliament was not then, as one might believe today, an organ of poplar representation.  It was an instrument in the hands of the gentry to defend its own class interests. [16-17]

 

That Parliament and the monarchy would become the two dominant ruling structures was the result of the breakdown of the feudal structure which was taking place not only in England, but across Europe.  European monarchs continued to gain more and more power at the expense of the feudal landed elite.

The gentry’s power and wealth was also on the wane with the rise of commercial centers which most of the time aligned themselves first with the kings and then later with Parliament. The eventual triumph of Parliament, however, did not mean greater democracy for the people:

 

The financial incentives for England’s adoption of the Protestant Reformation are therefore intimately connected with the bolstering of Parliamentary power. The Parliament in England was used to put the monarchy in check and to replace it with an oligarchic class of wealthy Protestants to whom the kings were required to submit.  This is why the overthrow of James II in 1688 was a true revolution. It was not a popular revolution or the overthrowing of a tyranny, but it was the rebellion of a class implementing the transfer of sovereign power for its own profit. [17]

 

Examples of active decivilization efforts are regularly provided by the vast, cronyism-prone EU bureaucracy. [PT]

 

The Market Economy

The author takes a refreshing look at the market economy that sets straight the inaccurate and often times hostile analysis of it that frequently comes from conservative circles. He distinguishes and rightly points out that “pure capitalism” or the “unhampered market” is an “excellent thing” [123]. The free market is intimately tied with private property which is a prerequisite for a just society:

 

[Capitalism] proceeds from respect for private property. As capitalism is the reinvestment or saved money for the purpose of making new profits, it presupposes respect for property rights and free enterprise.  It has existed in Europe since the Middle Ages and has contributed significantly to the development of Western society.  [Ibid.]

 

He insightfully notes that “bad capitalism” often gets lumped in with its “good form” while the latter gets the blame for the baneful excesses of the former.  “Monopoly capitalism,” “corporatism,” “the mixed economy,” and “crony capitalism” are not the result of the market process, but stem from “intervention” brought about by the State in favor of its business favorites through participatory democracy.

In a truly free market, entrenched wealth is rarely maintained but is constantly subjected to challenges by competitors:

 

But what one ought to designate as bad capitalism is the concentration of wealth and power this wealth procures.  This danger does not stem from capitalism itself but rather from parliamentary democracy, for it is democracy that enables money powers to dominate the political realm. [Ibid.]

 

The “moneyed interest” did not exist under “traditional monarchy,” but was a product of Democracy and the protection and extension of the “bad capitalistic” paradigm that came into being and was expanded by the rise of popular representative bodies.  Assemblies, legislatures, and congresses, which emerged, became aligned with banking and financial interests to bring about the downfall of the monarchies.

The concentration of political power could only be attained after control of money and credit were centralized in the form of central banking and the gold standard was eliminated.  Central banks have been an instrumental part of the democratic age, funding the nation state’s initiatives and enriching politically connected financial elites at the expense of everyone else.

Wealth concentration is not a by-product of the free market. Rarely are firms able to maintain their dominance for long periods of time. Many turn to the State to get protection and monopoly grants to ensure their position in the economy:

 

…[C]apitalism only becomes harmful when it grants political power to the money powers. This was only made possible thanks to the advent of parliamentary democracy, which was an invention of liberalism. It is therefore the foundational principles of political liberalism (equality before the law, suppression of privileges, centralization of political power, censitary suffrage, and the accountability of ministers to the legislative houses) which have enabled the rise of a wealthy class and its power over society. [124]

 

Such sound economic analysis abounds throughout his tome.

 

Future Prospects

The author rightly sees that because of its nature and the type of personalities it attracts, modern democracy cannot reform itself, but will eventually collapse from financial stress, war, and/or civil strife:

 

Parliamentary democracy rarely produces true statesmen, as its party system more often promotes ambitious and self-interested persons, demagogues, and even communication experts.  These are generally superficial and egocentric individuals with a very limited understanding of society and man. These politicians do not have the makings of statesmen. They are adventurers who use the state to satiate their hunger for power and money or to benefit their party. [147]

 

Efforts to reform it, however, should not be totally dismissed since they could lead to more fundamental change and ultimately the creation of a new political paradigm for Western governance. Populism and the various movements around the globe which fall into that category should be encouraged.

Populism, because of its lack of definite ideological underpinnings, has meant different things at different times to different people.  Most populists, however, do not want to get rid of democratic forms of government, but want the system to be more “responsive” of its constituents instead of favoring entrenched political elites.

Populism is a symptom of the growing failure of modern democracy’s inability to “deliver the goods” that it promises to a now growing dependency class. As a means of getting rid of totalitarian democracy, populist movements and themes should always be encouraged:

 

In Europe, the only political forces today which could, in the more extreme of circumstances assume this rescue role are found on the side of populism.  Conservative in its values, sometimes classically liberal when it is a matter of opposing the stifling interventionism of the state, and yet ready to defend social gains…  populism is the only political current which comes to the defense of those interests of the population denied or ignored by the parties in power. [148]

 

He adds:

 

Populist parties, from the simple fact that they can bring together voters from both the left and the right, have a chance of coming to power in the near enough future. The deterioration of security conditions in Europe due to mass immigration plays in their favor. [148-49]    

 

While he does not explicitly discuss it, a more concrete and ideologically coherent idea and one of historical precedent, is that of secession. For all those who oppose the democratic order, secession is the most justifiable, logical, and practical strategy for the dissolution of the nation state. Secession movements, therefore, whether they do not outwardly condemn parliamentary democracy and only seek to establish a “better run” system, should always be supported.

 

A good question. [PT]

 

Conclusion

The most likely scenario if there is to be a change in Western democratic life will be from a world-wide economic crisis and collapse of the financial system which will render nation states unable to meet their financial obligations to their citizens. All economies are hopelessly indebted from their welfare state excesses and can never hope to meet their promises which now run in the trillions.

What will emerge in the aftermath of a collapse is hard to predict, but some form of authoritarianism is likely which will be centered on a one-world state with a single, irredeemable currency.

While the financial demise of Western-styled democracy will be evident for all to see, the ideological underpinnings which have justified its existence need to be extirpated.  Any hope of it being reconstituted to better serve “the people” needs to be shot down. There is no better place to start the demystification of Democracy than with Christophe Buffin de Chosal’s magnificent The End of Democracy.

 

*Professor Christophe Buffin de Chosal teaches economic history at the United Business Institutes.

 

Image captions by PT

 

Antonius Aquinas is an author, lecturer, a contributor to Acting Man, SGT Report, The Burning Platform, Dollar Collapse, The Daily Coin and Zero Hedge. Contact him at antoniusaquinas[at]gmail[dot]com https://antoniusaquinas.com/.

 

 

 

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One Response to “Demonocracy: The Great Human Scourge!”

  • Treepower:

    ‘Many forms of Government have been tried, and will be tried in this world of sin and woe. No one pretends that democracy is perfect or all-wise. Indeed it has been said that democracy is the worst form of Government except for all those other forms that have been tried from time to time.…’

    The more optimistic take, courtesy of Churchill. Democracy is akin to capitalism in that it has a pure strain and a corrupted strain, which human nature is apt to crystallise in both cases. The question is whether the corrupt strain remains a better outcome than the other alternatives. Would the professor’s verdict have held much sway among the proles in the USSR or North Korea? Medieval Japan? Any African dictatorship? If the alternative is rule by Platonic philosopher kings, history suggests the corruption doesn’t take long to infect the body. Our controlling and anti-democratic EU is just such a bureaucratic conveyor belt to serfdom. It would be an interesting question to ask in China currently: the mainlanders might be inured to indenture and coercion but the Hong Kongers take a different view.

    Analysing the constitutional history of Rome, Polybius recognised in democracy one of six stages in a revolving pattern of governance in which the good form of each stage decays into the corrupt version. He called it anacyclosis. Thus monarchy decays inevitably into tyranny, which is ousted by the noble aristocracy. This in turn descends into oligarchy, from which a vibrant democracy emerges before itself breaking down into mob rule, the stage we have now entered, which will only be fixed by the emergence of a strongman and the renewal of the cycle.

    His conclusion was that by combining elements of all three good forms, in the shape of the consuls, the senate and the councils of the plebs, balance and stability could be sustained, and for a couple of hundred years that may have been the case. If so then perhaps someone did once ‘do better than democracy.’ Yet we have examples – the fall of the Berlin Wall, Brexit, Hong Kong’s hopeless stand for its rights – that the worm can turn and such constitutional entropy is not inevitable. It seems democracy may be worth fighting for after all.

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